Majorityrights Central > Category: British Politics

Earlier today I came across this video at BDF posted by Chuffer, a good, reliable nationalist and ex-BNP member, and a regular participant in the BDF bear-pit.  The theme of injustice and betrayal is not new to us, of course, though it is certainly a pleasure to see it so well structured.  But the street interview section is important, and especially refreshing to see.  There are the authentic voices of the English working-class who have been been subjected to eighteen years of relentless Lawrence propaganda.  And they know it.

Still, one wonders why they exhibit such a resigned attitude, and not more fight.  Then one remembers how deserted these people are.  Not the politicians, not the press, not the Church, not the schools, not the law ... no part of civil society spares them a word of acknowledgement.  It truly is the most complete betrayal imaginable.  And yet, as this video shows, the Lawrence propaganda almost certainly now exercises more influence over the minds of the traitors than it does the betrayed.

Below the fold I am reproducing Tony Lecomber’s interesting and exhaustive overview of British nationalism’s past and clouded future, with a rather confused recommendation for a new party at the end.  It makes a number of good points.  English, not British, nationalism, Tony says, is the wave of the future.  That’s true, and certain, of course, if Alex Salmond wins his referendum on Scottish independence in three years time.  Tony then speculates that as such a victory would deprive the Labour Party of seventy Scottish MPs at Westminster and deliver power to the Tories in perpetuity in the remains of the UK, indiscipline on the right must, in time, set in.  Such indiscipline he sees as a precondition for the rise of nationalism in England.  Perhaps, but nationalism has to make its own future, and can’t rely on charity from its political foes.

Overall, Tony’s message is bleak.  The sense of embattlement on every front is very palpable, culminating in the despairing admission that “the multiracial state is here to stay”.  Well, if that is the case, what’s the point of nationalism?  To slow down our genetic dissolution and demographic replacement to a speed white people won’t find quite so unsettling?  To delay our minoritisation by one generation?  In such an admission is the false assumption that:

(a) the English people think it moral and right for Africans and Asians to continue living in England and to continue displacing, replacing and deracinating them, and will vote for that if ever the issue is forced to the front of electoral debate,

(b) anything and everything must be thrown overboard by nationalists to escape being labelled as “racist”.

This mindset is surely the product of a lifetime of political failure allied to a paucity of creative thinking - not least on the wider political issues, particularly economics, but also on the great, undergirding question of the war of discourse.

Obviously, Tony is right that, short of the state jailing Nick Griffin (and why would it do that), political nationalism must find itself a new vehicle.  He is right about the risks.  I don’t think he is right to be so focussed on the party question.  No nationalist party can effect the vast change in the English public’s values and attitudes necessary for the embrace of such a revolutionary politics.  But perhaps that is work for other kinds of political animal.

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“Parallel Party Structure” to Be Formed,” said the headline on BNP Ideas website.  It wasn’t what most of us were expecting.  The pre-meeting articles at BNP Ideas talked about setting up not only a new party but a think-tank.  Party policy was written about.  Given the entrenched position of Griffin in the BNP and the huge financial and legal problems his party faces, there seemed no likelihood that tonight we would be looking at the status quo.  But here we are.

Or nearly.  BNP Ideas has this to say:

A parallel party structure, tasked with building up supporters, a database, a leadership core and making overtures to other nationalists and parties along with creating all the essential elements required to run a party, is to be formed in terms of a majority decision taken at today’s BNP Ideas conference in Leicestershire.

... Mr Brons said he felt the time was not appropriate for the creation of a new party, and that it was better to rather create a parallel structure which could step in to pick up the pieces should the BNP’s current infrastructure collapse, or, if a certain minimum of signed up supporters (Mr Brons said 1,500 would be a suitable figure) was obtained, in which case a new party might become viable.

Less than that, Mr Brons said, and a new party would “nose dive” which would give the Griffin-controlled BNP an undeserved victory.

... Finally, the meeting was asked to vote on three specific proposals: to stay in the BNP and seek to replace Nick Griffin by legal internal means; to create a new party; and to create a parallel structure.

A handful of people voted for a new party, but the vast majority of those present voted to create the parallel structure. The organisation will take into consideration all of the proposals made by delegates, and further announcements will be made on this website in due course.

From England First, a lucid explanation of the death, possibly imminent, of the British National Party:

In December 2007 a group of senior party officials rebelled against Griffin and his then right-hand man Mark Collett (who ironically was to be purged himself in a later schism at the end of March 2010). Leading dissidents were then dismissed from their positions in the party, including former webmaster Steve Blake, former head of admin Kenny Smith, and his wife Nicholla Smith who then ran the BNP merchandising arm Excalibur.

Griffinite security goons raided the rebels’ homes, and the party leadership, in the persons of Griffin and his deputy Simon Darby, began a complicated legal action against their former comrades in March 2008. After the first hearing of this action in Manchester, Simon Darby issued a statement which will no doubt feature in future histories of political hubris:

“We have got everything we asked for….  I believe such moves will be seen as having been crucial for the continuing growth, discipline and structure of our movement.”

Almost three years later the case ended in catastrophic defeat for Darby and his master.  At the end of 2010 they dropped their action, but typically sought to wriggle out of paying the costs.  On 21st December 2010 they lost this argument as well: Griffin and Darby were ordered to pay all of their opponents’ costs.  An initial £45,000 was ordered to be paid by 18th January 2011.

There then began a long drawn out appeal process.  Not that Nick Griffin expected to win any appeal, merely that he hoped to drag out the process long enough for something to turn up, such as a legacy from some deluded millionaire supporter, or a devastating terrorist attack.

By now the courts were beginning to realise that Nick Griffin MEP was a man of straw, so Darby was required to make a deposit of £20,000 with his solicitors so that (if/when the appeal process was exhausted) the courts could be confident that at least some of the bill would be paid.

In August one of England’s most senior judges, the Master of the Rolls, Lord Neuberger, ruled that Griffin and Darby had no reasonable grounds to pursue a further appeal.  By now the stay of execution delaying demand for payment of the £45,000 had expired, so on the morning of 2nd September 2011 High Court Enforcement Officers turned up at Griffin’s home to seize any possessions of value, including his Skoda car, which they planned to sell at auction.

The desperate Welshpool cabal sought yet another stay of execution to delay their inevitable doom.  Yet again it was granted, this time by Lord Justice Rix, but this time on the strict condition that (a) Darby’s £20,000 was handed over within three days, and (b) the remaining £25,000 was produced within a fortnight.

Needless to say, even this £45,000 was only the first instalment of this particular legal bill, set to total more than £150,000, and the party’s total debts add up to well over £500,000.

But even this first hurdle proved too high for the crippled BNP.  Simon Darby and his solicitors failed to hand over the £20,000 and on the expiry of this deadline, on Wednesday afternoon, 14th September, the BNP lost any right to further appeals in this case.  Having realised that the trigger was about to be pulled, Griffin and Darby rustled up £20,000 and paid it into the Court account two days late.

The stay of execution will still be lifted if they fail to meet the 28th September deadline for payment of a further £25,000, in which case the party’s creditors will begin the process of putting the BNP into administration.

Future control of the party would pass into the hands of the Administrator appointed by the court, so Nick Griffin’s much touted election victory and his new constitution, giving him unchallenged dictatorial power for the next four years, would become worthless.  The final step will be to determine whether Nick Griffin should face not merely bankruptcy (in his case for the second time) but a more serious bankruptcy restrictions order, which would result in his removal from the European Parliament.

In that case his replacement would be decided by the Administrator in charge of the wreck of the BNP.

01.35 Liverpool Echo reports 150 people are causing trouble in Toxteth. Around 100 arrests in Birmingham city centre.
01.20 Police urge all Londoners to remain indoors tonight. 1700 officers are on the streets. Residents in Clapham on Twitter are calling for locals to meet at 8am tomorrow to clear up their neighbourhood.
01.18 Witness David Francis reports rioting in Camberwell Green, South London. He says he was punched in the face by “what felt like very reals pearls wrapped around a masked rioters’ fist.”
00.45 Cars torched in Grove St, Toxteth, Liverpool, ITV news reporter Ben Schofield says. An unmanned police station in Holyhead Road, Handsworth, Birmingham has been torched. Looting reported in Crystal Palace, London. Police have told all London football clubs to cancel matches
00.41 Residents in Croydon have been evacuated due to the spreading fire, reports Guardian’s Matthew Taylor. An officer tells him: “We can’t cope. We have passed breaking point.”
00.29 Carphone Warehouse on fire in Clapham Junction. Fires reported in Camden.
00.28 BBC: Residents in Clapham Junction have been told to evacuate their homes by police.
00.27 Reports of gangs of youths smashing shop windows in Romford Market, Essex.
00.24 Telegraph sources: Riot units from police forces as far away from London as Cleveland are heading south. Clearly the Met is calling in all the support it can get.
00.20 Twitter reports: A Wetherspoons in Lee has been targetted in a “mass mugging.” Police were rung but did not pick up.
00.16 Birmingham - police have made 35 arrests. The city centre has been over-run by gangs ranging from the age of 10, up to 50-strong. The Armani store has been looted. A man has been shot and wounded in Croydon, Sky reports. Shops along the Camberwell Road from Elephant and Castle have been smashed.
00.09 Wimbledon Guardian reports looters in Colliers Wood had to be rescued by firecrews after becoming trapped under the grill of a sportswear shop. In Chalk Farm, North London, the Guardian’s Paul Lewis reports motorists are being attacked with bricks, with shouts of “Who’s next, man?” There are youths in balaclavas carrying scaffolding poles. One shouted: “Let’s go rob Hampstead.” Countless shops have been looted.
00.01 Police have called in air support from Sussex and Surrey. Shops are burning in Clapham and Notting Hill. Cars have been torched in Fulham Broadway. The Ledbury Michelin-star restaurant in Notting Hill was raided and the diners mugged. There are reports on Twitter of people carrying machetes in Notting Hill and Balham.

Negro male dominance behaviour.

White women as well.  It is anti-white race hatred.

So the news comes in, and it is news of a revolt by, for all intents and purposes, London’s young blacks, increasingly copied elsewhere.  But a revolt against what?

Certainly elements of the left are trying to make capital out of “government cuts”.  “Disaffection” and the misery of unemployment are also being dusted off and lovingly presented as cause just.  But it is already clear that the anti-white ramp that was constructed out of the black riots of a generation ago, and which resulted in the invention of “institutional racism”, will not be entertained this time round.  These riots are too plainly organised.  The motive of the rioters is too obviously to loot and burn.  No one is going to experience the exquisite agonies of liberal guilt on behalf of a mistreated looter or disaffected arsonist.  “Sorry, young man, there is such a thing as responsibility, and it isn’t as though government hasn’t made huge efforts over the last two and half-decades to help you succeed!”

So what, overall, can we expect when the Met’s report is in, the Home Office committee has investigated, the media vented, the mayor of London bloviated, the cabinet sat, and the Home Secretary stood up in the House to present “the answer”?  Here are my predictions.

1. The young black male is not going to be excused this time.  He has delivered himself of a direct and violent challenge to the social order - an insult which is authentically black and belongs to him, and has no provenance outside of the narrow and low space between his ears.  He has made a world of violence and chaos for himself, in which his male dominance strategies can be liberally exercised.  That is the sum total of his civilisational worth, and it is not going to be easy for any thoughtful government minister to continue to delude himself that but for a bit more educational expenditure, better role models, more mentoring, sport facilities and youth clubs, and fathers at home, there walks a white boy.  There doesn’t.

The truth of black sociobiology is knocking loudly on the door.  It might not be opened this time round.  But opening it is the only option in the longer run.

2. The race industry’s funding will be cut, its leadership changed, its role redefined.  It will die by neglect, being officially done away with, probably, by the end of the next parliament.

As it happens, today Civitas released a press release on its review of smooth Trevor Philips’ Equality and Human Rights Commission.  The review is titled Small Corroding Words, but the events in London and up and down the country will likely prove much more corrosive for Philips (and John Wadham, the legal persecutor of the BNP).  That said, the review is extremely timely, seemingly damning, and certain to be well read in Conservative Party circles.

3. The educational Establishment and the Marxian left generally will cop the official blame for its shameless failure to confront gang culture, and for having turned the police into social workers horrified by the possibility of being called racists.  How much this will translate into real change, I’m not certain.  But it marks the end of Marx in educational thinking.  Furthermore ...

4. That way the black “community” will be spared the most searching questions, at least today.  It will, however, be required to question its commitment to the social order in much the same way that Moslems have been required post-7/7 to “reject extremism” and become that mythical thing, a “moderate Moslem”.  Black politicians - all four of them - will learn the required new, reassuring words, and the media will afford them much opportunity to repeat them.  Nothing, of course, will change as a result.

5. The Labour Party will be forced to recognise the horribly non-Marxist drift in respect to the old blame culture, and shift itself towards the new centre.  This is probably the major, long-term political effect of what we are seeing.  Again, I don’t know how far it will go.  But it is very positive - if it happens.

6. Griffin’s BNP will continue to offer the white working-class what it has offered them in the past, entirely missing the sea-change in attitude to the black population that now obtains, as a result of these latest events.  Eventually, nationalism will find a way to rid itself of its dog in the manger, and then we might see what a political crow-bar wedged into the new fissure can achieve.

Now that all the votes have been counted, we can announce that Nick Griffin MEP has been duly re-elected to lead the British National Party for a fixed term of four years. The winner, Nick Griffin, received 1157 votes, whilst Andrew Brons, the loser, received 1148 votes. Eleven ballots were spoiled.

So says the BNP website, following a very slow re-count at the close of leadership election.  Nick Griffin seems unabashed by the narrowness of his win, saying:

“The time for division and disruption is over; now is the time to heal. Now is the time to move on. Now is the time to get back to work. We have a Party to build and a Nation to save. Let us go forward together!”

But this follows a long period of internecene warfare in the party, during which the bulk of the activist base left in disgust or was suspended or expelled, and election results and the membership roll crashed.  Griffin’s surprisingly thin majority was delivered by means of the expulsions, and his victory is hollow.  The question which hangs over proceedings now is whether the reform group will accept the result.  That seems improbable.  The reformers have fought too long and too hard for the party, and for the people in whose interests it makes politics, to stand back and watch it die now.  Grounds for a legal challenge will surely be examined, and if they are there a petition to annul the result and order a re-election will surely be made.

The alternative is for the establishment of a new nationalist party.  Andrew Brons took the precaution of registering the name British Democratic Party with the electoral commission, in the event that the BNP is pursued by its debtors into liquidation.  A baggage-free party has some appeal, clearly.  But it would still take the dissolution of the BNP for any new party to enjoy a free run at the loyal English electorate.

From a comment by the redoubtable Papa Luigi on the BNP section of British Democracy Forums.  The subject: yesterday’s General Members Meeting (also a Founding Members Meeting) of the British National Party held in Liverpool.

The meeting was a confrontation of “the big beasts” of the BNP and proceeded as follows:

Arthur Kemp fired the opening salvos as the meeting started, asserting that there had been no consultation process with the members regarding the constitutional reforms agreed at the last party conference and that the premise for the GMM was therefore invalid and unconstitutional. He asserted further that the motions put forward were substantially different to those agreed at the party conference and that Nick Griffin had broken his promise to the members.

Geoff Dickens then informed the meeting that under the current BNP constitution, Nick Griffin has the power to make unilateral changes without reference to anyone else and that therefore, irrespective of the rights or wrongs of Arthur’s assertions, the meeting was constitutional and would proceed as planned.

In the voting that followed, the members present at the meeting, who represented the hard core of the party’s activists from across the country, were split roughly 60:40, with the majority in opposition to the motions proposed by Nick Griffin. The 200 activists present were however, dismayed to find that the proxy voting system introduced by Nick Griffin as a new and novel feature to BNP meetings gave Nick Griffin a block vote of 500+ votes that he proceeded to use to negate the majority against him at the meeting.

Despite this, the reformers continued to argue their case, with significant contributions to the debates by Arthur Kemp and the other ‘big beasts’ of the BNP; Andrew Brons; Richard Edmonds; John Walker; and Kevin Scott, all of whom voiced opposition to the constitutional validity of the meeting and the motions proposed. Speaking in favour of the motions were Clive Jefferson, Adam Walker and some other of the ‘novice’ Regional Organisers, appointed recently by Nick Griffin after high profile sackings during the recent ructions within the party.

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Less than three years after the bail out of Scotland’s banks was supposed to have killed talk of withdrawal from the Union, Alex Salmond was able to inform the British public yesterday that during the next Holyrood parliament a referendum on independence will be put before Scots voters.  The future of the Union, of all the Westminster parties, and of political nationalism in England now all rest with a few million Scottish votes.

Salmond, as the big winner of Thursday’s varied election cycle, now has sixty-eight of his colleagues sitting at Holyrood - a feat which was supposed to have been impossible under the complex voting procedure established for the Scottish parliament.  It has also been thought impossible for the SNP to convince Scots to vote for independence - the polls show a consistent two thirds against.  But the media are treating a shift towards independence of under twenty points over the next four years as being distinctly possible, given that Salmond is now a veritable colossus in a country of political pygmies.

How the fortunes of civic nationalism in Scotland contrast with those of ethno-nationalism in the rest of the country.  The Griffin Party has won two council seats and lost all its others where elections were held.  The repeated plaint on the nationalist internet is that the movement is back to where it was before Griffin’s successful leadership bid in 1999.  But with reported debts of over £500,000, mass departure of the (relatively) able, and a nose-diving membership, it’s a lot worse than that.  It ought to be the end of Griffin and his clique.  But it appears that the party must completely wither and die before that happens.

Meanwhile, the English, obviously, voted Labour and Tory as stubbornly as ever - the latter in somewhat surprisingly firm numbers.  UKIP had a bad election night, not even managing to benefit much from disaffected BNP voters, never mind Tories.  Polarity is returning to the English voting pattern if not to the politics.  Taken with the 69% “No” vote in the AV referendum it amounts to a powerful rejection of centrism.  It is inevitable that Tory and Labour strategists will identify this factor and endeavour to spin their way towards it.  But real diversification is impossible in an age when the right must support neo-Marxist social policies and the left neoliberal economic ones.

Only nationalism opposes both, of course.  But its electoral flame was extinguished on Thursday, and though there are efforts to keep it alive via the civicist English Democrats, the culturalist British Freedom Party, the tiny and extremely nascent, ethno-nationalist English People’s Party, and the white nationalist National Front, I for one do not believe they can succeed.  I see the only hope in a sudden and saving, last-minute purification of the BNP brand.  I just don’t know what more can be done to force Griffin out of the party before it finally hits the wall.